In 2023, South Korea's total fertility rate fell to 0.72, the lowest in the world; Taiwan followed closely at just 0.87; Japan, Italy, Spain, and others hovered below 1.3. These figures are far below the 2.1 replacement level required to maintain a stable population. If this trend continues — and there are no signs it will reverse — human societies will face a fundamental question: when fewer and fewer people are willing to have children, how can nations, and indeed humanity, sustain future generations? Will the traditional family-based child-rearing model be replaced by some form of "centralized" reproduction and upbringing system? Is such a vision a dystopian nightmare, or a necessary evolutionary adaptation to new circumstances?

I. The Harsh Reality of the Population Crisis

The Existential Question Behind the Numbers

Let us first confront the data. The United Nations Population Division's median projection shows that global population will peak at approximately 10.4 billion around 2086, then begin to decline. But this is the "median" projection — if the low-fertility scenario materializes, the population could begin declining as early as the 2050s, falling below 6 billion by the end of the century.[1]

More alarming are the situations of individual countries. Statistics Korea projects that if current fertility rates persist, South Korea's population will shrink from 51 million in 2023 to approximately 20 million by 2100. Japan's population has already been declining since its 2010 peak of 128 million, and is projected to fall to about 50 million by 2100. This is not merely "population decline" — it is "population halving."[2]

Demographers call this the "low-fertility trap": once fertility rates fall below a certain critical threshold, a self-reinforcing cycle is triggered — fewer young people mean fewer potential parents, heavier elderly-care burdens mean less willingness to bear children, and a smaller pool of peers makes finding partners more difficult. Escaping this trap requires extraordinary policy efforts or social transformation.[3]

The Limitations of Existing Countermeasures

Faced with declining birth rates, governments worldwide have tried various policies: childcare subsidies, daycare services, parental leave, housing subsidies, tax incentives, and more. However, results have been broadly limited. Even the Nordic countries, which invest the most resources, have only managed to sustain fertility rates around 1.5 to 1.7 — far short of replacement level.[4]

Immigration is another option, but it is a zero-sum game — one country's immigrants are another country's loss. Moreover, as global fertility rates converge downward, the pool of young people available to "import" will also grow increasingly scarce. Immigration can alleviate the crisis, but it cannot solve the fundamental problem.

This leads to a more radical question: if the traditional model of "family reproduction, family child-rearing" cannot maintain the population, are there other possibilities?

II. Collective Breeding Strategies in the Animal Kingdom

Eusocial Animals: The Ultimate Division of Labor

In the natural world, not all species adopt the strategy of "every individual reproduces." Eusocial animals — such as honeybees, ants, and termites — have evolved highly differentiated reproductive patterns: only a few "reproductive individuals" (queen bees, queen ants) are responsible for reproduction, while the vast majority (worker bees, worker ants) never reproduce in their lifetimes, focusing instead on other tasks.[5]

The evolutionary logic of this pattern is "kin selection": worker bees share a large proportion of genes with the queen (in the honeybee's haplodiploid system, the coefficient of relatedness between sisters reaches 75%), so helping the queen reproduce "nieces" is more effective at propagating genes than reproducing "daughters" themselves. This is an extreme "altruistic" strategy, but from the gene's perspective, it is entirely rational.[6]

Among mammals, the naked mole-rat is the only truly eusocial species. They live in underground tunnels, with only one breeding pair in each colony, while the remaining dozens of members are responsible for digging, defense, and caring for the young. The monopoly on reproductive rights is maintained through behavioral suppression — the queen attacks subordinates that attempt to reproduce, suppressing their reproductive hormones.[7]

Cooperative Breeding: The Group's Investment

Even among non-eusocial animals, cooperative breeding is quite common. In wolf packs, only the alpha pair breeds, but the entire group collectively raises the pups; in many bird species, "helper" individuals assist in nest-building, incubating eggs, and feeding chicks; in elephant family groups, older females (including grandmothers) collectively care for calves.[8]

This strategy of "separating reproduction from rearing" has evolutionary advantages: reproduction can be concentrated in the most suitable individuals, while rearing mobilizes more resources. Offspring receive more care, increasing survival rates; adult individuals, even without reproducing, can propagate genes by helping relatives.

The implication for humans is this: reproduction and child-rearing need not be bound to the same individual or the same pair of partners. Nature has already "invented" multiple strategies for separating these two functions, and humans have historically practiced similar arrangements.

III. Collective Child-Rearing in Human History

The Israeli Kibbutz: The Largest Modern Experiment

The most famous collective child-rearing experiment of the twentieth century took place on the Israeli kibbutz. In the traditional kibbutz model, children did not live with their parents but resided in "children's houses" (beit yeladim), cared for by professional caregivers (metapelet). Parents had designated daily "visiting hours" to spend time with their children, but daily care responsibilities were borne by the collective.[9]

The ideology behind this arrangement was socialist gender equality: liberating women from child-rearing labor so they could participate equally with men in agricultural and industrial production. At the same time, it embodied the collectivist ideal — children belonged to the entire community, not to individual families.

The kibbutz child-rearing experiment continued for decades, producing a generation raised in "children's houses." Psychological studies of these individuals found that their mental health, social adjustment, and professional achievement in adulthood showed no significant disadvantage compared to those raised in traditional families — and on some measures, they performed even better. However, this model gradually declined after the 1970s, with most kibbutzim reverting to "family sleeping" arrangements.[10]

The Spartan Agoge System

The ancient Spartan agoge was another extreme case. Boys left their families at age seven to enter a state-managed collective training system, receiving rigorous military, physical, and disciplinary training until adulthood. Although girls remained at home, they too received considerable physical training.[11]

Sparta's goal was to cultivate the strongest warriors and the most capable mothers — a clearly eugenic mindset. Newborns were inspected by elders, and those deemed weak or deformed were abandoned. This system did produce a fearsome army, but it also created an extremely militarized, creativity-deficient society that ultimately declined in competition with other Greek city-states.

Plato's Republic

The philosopher Plato envisioned an ideal reproductive system in his Republic: the marriages and reproduction of the ruling class (the Guardians) would be arranged by the state, with the aim of "breeding" the finest offspring. After birth, children would be raised by the state, unaware of their biological parents; parents too would not know which children were their own. In this way, the Guardians would regard all young people of the same age as their own children, transcending private emotions to focus on the public good.[12]

Plato's vision was controversial even in his own time — Aristotle criticized it as contrary to human nature and destructive of family bonds. Yet it reveals a fundamental tension: the family is a site of private emotion, but it can also be a mechanism for the reproduction of class inequality. The idea of "public child-rearing," however extreme, touches upon this tension.

IV. The Technological Frontier: Artificial Wombs and Ectogenesis

Advances in Extracorporeal Development

If collective child-rearing separates "rearing" from the family, then the artificial womb, or "ectogenesis," separates "gestation" itself from the female body. This may sound like science fiction, but technological breakthroughs have already begun.[13]

In 2017, a research team at the Children's Hospital of Philadelphia successfully used a "Biobag" system to sustain premature lambs in extracorporeal development for four weeks. The system simulated the uterine environment, providing amniotic fluid, oxygen, and nutrients, allowing fetuses that should have been in the womb to grow in an artificial environment. Although this technology is currently used only for treating extremely premature infants, it demonstrated the possibility of ectogenesis.[14]

In 2021, a team at the Weizmann Institute of Science in Israel went further, sustaining mouse embryos in extracorporeal development to the mid-gestation stage — the longest record for mammalian extracorporeal development. While a complete process from fertilized egg to full-term infant remains far off, the direction of the technology is clear.[15]

Ethical Boundaries of Technology

Artificial womb technology raises profound ethical questions. On one hand, it could liberate women from the physical burdens and career interruptions of pregnancy; it could also save premature infants, giving extremely early preterm babies better chances of survival.[16]

On the other hand, it introduces disturbing possibilities: if gestation can be fully outsourced, then "baby factories" would no longer be metaphorical but literally possible. Who would "produce" these babies? Who would decide how many to produce? To whom would these babies belong? These questions touch upon the core of human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the parent-child relationship.

An even more extreme scenario: if a government faced a severe population crisis, might it mandate or incentivize the use of artificial wombs to "produce" sufficient population? This is the scenario of Huxley's Brave New World — embryos mass-produced in "hatchery centers," assigned to different "castes" according to social needs, their destinies designed before birth.[17]

V. The Ethical Dilemma of "Baby Factories"

Human Dignity and Instrumentalization

Any vision of "centralized reproduction" must confront the fundamental challenge of Kantian ethics: people are ends in themselves, not means. To "industrialize" reproduction — whether through the surrogacy industry, artificial wombs, or state breeding programs — risks treating humans as "raw materials for production" or "demographic statistics."[18]

This concern is far from unfounded. Historical eugenics movements — from Nazi Germany's Lebensborn program to forced sterilization in the United States — all trampled on human rights in the name of "population improvement." Any plan involving large-scale artificial control of reproduction must be extremely vigilant against repeating these precedents.[19]

The Nature of the Parent-Child Relationship

The "baby factory" model also challenges our understanding of the parent-child relationship. Traditionally, the relationship between parents and children is a multi-layered bond — biological, emotional, and legal. Mothers carry children for nine months; fathers participate in rearing; these shared experiences create unique ties.[20]

If babies are "produced" in artificial wombs and raised by collective institutions, how would the concept of "parent" change? Are genetic providers parents? Are artificial womb operators parents? Are institutional caregivers parents? Or would the very concept of "parent" become obsolete?

This is not necessarily negative. The experience of adoptive families shows that love and relationships do not depend entirely on biological connections. But it does mean we need to rethink the foundations of the parent-child relationship — shifting from "bloodline" to "commitment," "care," and "responsibility."

Inequality and Stratification

Another risk is that "baby factories" could reinforce social inequality. If centralized reproduction became a reality, who would decide which "genes" are used? Whose offspring would be prioritized for "production"? Could the wealthy secure better resources for their genetic descendants while the poor are left with "standardized" children?[21]

These concerns are connected to current ethical debates around assisted reproductive technology. The surrogacy industry already displays the face of global inequality: couples from wealthy countries hire women from poorer nations as surrogates, with the latter bearing physical risks while the former gain children. If artificial womb technology matures, it might alleviate the exploitative nature of surrogacy, but it could also create new forms of inequality.

VI. An Alternative Possibility: Decentralized Collective Child-Rearing

A Modern Version of "It Takes a Village"

Perhaps the extreme vision of "baby factories" overlooks a gentler, more feasible possibility: not centralized reproduction, but decentralized collective child-rearing. The African proverb says: "It takes a village to raise a child." How can this wisdom be reimagined in modern society?[22]

One direction is to expand the definition of "family." Rather than expecting the nuclear family (a couple plus children) to bear all child-rearing responsibilities, more diverse care networks can be developed: grandparents, relatives, friends, neighbors, and community organizations all participating. This does not require taking children away from their parents, but rather giving parents more support.

Another direction is the large-scale expansion of public childcare. The experience of Nordic countries shows that high-quality, affordable public childcare not only increases women's labor force participation but also sustains relatively higher fertility rates. Transforming child-rearing from a "private responsibility" into a "public endeavor" is key to reducing the pressure of having children.[23]

Cohousing and Co-Parenting Communities

A more innovative approach is the "cohousing" community — a group of people who choose to live together or adjacent to one another, sharing certain facilities and responsibilities while maintaining their own private spaces. In such communities, child-rearing can naturally become a collective endeavor: children grow up within a larger social network, and parents gain more breathing room.[24]

Denmark is one of the birthplaces of the cohousing movement, and many cohousing communities are explicitly designed with the goal of "facilitating child-rearing." This model combines the sense of community found in traditional villages with the convenience of modern urban life, and may represent one of the innovative solutions to declining birth rates.

VII. Reflections and Outlook

Reflection One: Why Are People Unwilling to Have Children?

Before discussing "how to sustain the population," we must first ask: why are people unwilling to have children? If the reasons are economic pressure, gender inequality, and the difficulty of balancing work and family, then the solution is to improve these conditions, not to bypass them. Extreme schemes like "baby factories" may simply be an excuse to avoid confronting fundamental problems.[25]

In other words, low fertility is not merely a "technical problem" but a reflection of how society is organized. A society that makes child-bearing unaffordable does not lack "reproductive technology" — it suffers from deficiencies in resource allocation, labor arrangements, and gender roles at a deep structural level.

Reflection Two: Must the Population Be Maintained?

A more fundamental question is: must the population truly be maintained at its current scale? Humanity once numbered only a few million and lived through the vast majority of its history; on longer timescales, the rise and fall of species is natural. Perhaps population decline is not a "crisis" but a way for humanity to adapt to the earth's carrying capacity.[26]

Of course, this "accept the decline" perspective has its dangers: it could provide an excuse for inaction, allowing problems that could otherwise be solved to be ignored. But it also offers a different lens: perhaps we need not frantically search for ways to "maintain the population," but should instead think about how to maintain social functioning and individual well-being during the process of population decline.

Reflection Three: The Boundary Between Technology and Humanity

Artificial wombs, gene editing, artificial intelligence, and other technologies are redefining the boundaries of what it means to be "human." These technologies can solve problems, but they may also create new ones. In embracing technology, we must continually ask: what is the essence of being human? What constitutes inviolable dignity? What kinds of interventions are acceptable, and what kinds cross the line?[27]

These questions have no simple answers, and the answers may change as technology advances and society evolves. What matters is maintaining open dialogue, allowing different voices — scientists, ethicists, religious leaders, ordinary citizens — to participate in deciding the future of humanity.

Conclusion: Between Continuation and Extinction

Declining fertility is a real challenge, but "baby factories" should not be our first option — and perhaps should not be any option at all. Collective breeding strategies in the animal kingdom are products of evolution and cannot be directly applied to humans who possess free will and dignity. Historical experiments in collective child-rearing offer reference points, but also reveal their limitations and costs.

Perhaps the core of the question lies not in "how to produce more babies" but in "how to create a society where people are willing to have children." This requires economic fairness, gender equality, work flexibility, community support, and cultural transformation. These changes are far more difficult than "baby factories," but they are also more aligned with human nature and more respectful of dignity.

If all these efforts fail — if humanity truly heads toward population collapse — then we will face the fundamental question of civilizational survival. At that point, some form of "centralized reproduction" may become an option that must be considered. But until then, we have a responsibility to try better approaches, making childbirth a free choice rather than a factory product.[28]

References

  1. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (2022). World Population Prospects 2022. [UN]
  2. Statistics Korea (2023). Population Projections for Korea. See also National Institute of Population and Social Security Research (Japan) (2023). Population Projections for Japan.
  3. Lutz, W., Skirbekk, V., & Testa, M. R. (2006). The low-fertility trap hypothesis: Forces that may lead to further postponement and fewer births in Europe. Vienna Yearbook of Population Research, 4, 167-192. [DOI]
  4. OECD (2023). OECD Family Database. Cross-country comparison of fertility rates and family policies. [OECD]
  5. Wilson, E. O. (1971). The Insect Societies. Harvard University Press. Classic study of eusocial animals.
  6. Hamilton, W. D. (1964). The genetical evolution of social behaviour I & II. Journal of Theoretical Biology, 7(1), 1-52. [DOI]. The original paper on kin selection theory.
  7. Jarvis, J. U. M. (1981). Eusociality in a mammal: Cooperative breeding in naked mole-rat colonies. Science, 212(4494), 571-573. [DOI]
  8. Emlen, S. T. (1991). Evolution of cooperative breeding in birds and mammals. In J. R. Krebs & N. B. Davies (Eds.), Behavioural Ecology: An Evolutionary Approach. Blackwell Scientific.
  9. Spiro, M. E. (1958). Children of the Kibbutz. Harvard University Press. Classic study of kibbutz children.
  10. Aviezer, O., et al. (1994). "Children of the dream" revisited: 70 years of collective early child care in Israeli kibbutzim. Psychological Bulletin, 116(1), 99-116. [DOI]
  11. Cartledge, P. (2001). Spartan Reflections. University of California Press. Historical study of Spartan society.
  12. Plato. Republic, Book V. Plato's vision of reproduction and child-rearing in the ideal state. [Perseus]
  13. Romanis, E. C. (2018). Artificial womb technology and the future of human reproduction: Realising the potential of ectogenesis. Journal of Medical Ethics, 44(11), 751-755. [DOI]
  14. Partridge, E. A., et al. (2017). An extra-uterine system to physiologically support the extreme premature lamb. Nature Communications, 8, 15112. [DOI]
  15. Aguilera-Castrejon, A., et al. (2021). Ex utero mouse embryogenesis from pre-gastrulation to late organogenesis. Nature, 593, 119-124. [DOI]
  16. Kendal, E. (2015). Equal Opportunity and the Case for State Sponsored Ectogenesis. Palgrave Macmillan.
  17. Huxley, A. (1932). Brave New World. Chatto & Windus. Huxley's classic dystopian novel.
  18. Kant, I. (1785). Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals. Kant's deontological ethics. [PDF]
  19. Black, E. (2003). War Against the Weak: Eugenics and America's Campaign to Create a Master Race. Four Walls Eight Windows.
  20. Hrdy, S. B. (2009). Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding. Harvard University Press.
  21. Spar, D. L. (2006). The Baby Business: How Money, Science, and Politics Drive the Commerce of Conception. Harvard Business School Press.
  22. Clinton, H. R. (1996). It Takes a Village: And Other Lessons Children Teach Us. Simon & Schuster.
  23. Rønsen, M., & Skrede, K. (2010). Can public policies sustain fertility in the Nordic countries? Demographic Research, 22(1), 321-346. [DOI]
  24. McCamant, K., & Durrett, C. (2011). Creating Cohousing: Building Sustainable Communities. New Society Publishers.
  25. McDonald, P. (2000). Gender equity in theories of fertility transition. Population and Development Review, 26(3), 427-439. [DOI]
  26. Hickel, J. (2020). Less Is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World. Penguin Random House.
  27. Habermas, J. (2003). The Future of Human Nature. Polity Press. Habermas's reflections on the ethics of genetic engineering.
  28. Sandel, M. J. (2007). The Case Against Perfection: Ethics in the Age of Genetic Engineering. Harvard University Press. Sandel's critique of perfectionism.
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